Showing posts with label slavery. Show all posts
Showing posts with label slavery. Show all posts

Sunday, August 22, 2010

"True stories are not often good art": Some comments on Strange True Stories of Louisiana

An undated photo of the Delphine Lalaurie House, on the corner of Royal and Governor Nichols streets in New Orleans. Image found here. This house is the setting for Cable's story, "The 'Haunted House' in Royal Street" (which you can read online here.

Recently, I posted some comments on literary regionalism's potential for indulging in a cultural provincialism that, as nostalgia, is basically harmless but can help feed the social anxieties of some to the point of heightening their resistance or outright hostility toward the nation's political institutions. As I noted in that post, a fair amount of Southern fiction from the Jim Crow era participated in that feeding. But a Southern writer I could/should have mentioned in that post who kind of passively-aggressively resists that impulse is George Washington Cable. Here, I'll briefly seek to make amends by saying a few words about his story collection, Strange True Stories of Louisiana.

More below the fold.

Back in December of 2008, I posted here on Cable's best-known novel, The Grandissimes; if reading that interests you, you may enjoy this post over at Domestic Issue. As you'll see in that first post, I was initially skeptical of those people who see in Cable a precursor of Faulkner, but I've since come around to their way of thinking: Both writers deeply loved their regions and its people, but that love didn't blind either to those regions' flaws--most particularly to the fact that both regions' codes (legal, social, economic . . . take your pick) were predicated upon maintaining the moral outrage of slavery and, afterward, segregation. Cable's writing leans stylistically toward a stilted sentimentality in his narratives, but I and others suspect that that is a marketing decision rather than a direction in which he was naturally inclined. It's just such a style that pervaded the local colorist writing of the time. But Cable's readers--especially his Southern ones--could tell he was no moonlight-and-magnolias apologist. Indeed, as the Castillo piece I just linked to relates, Cable, whose family was so staunchly Southern that they left New Orleans when General Benjamin Butler's Union army took control in the spring of 1862 (more about Butler's rule in New Orleans here), would fall out of favor with his fellow Southerners for his (for the time) direct criticisms of slavery and segregation.

Lots of background, I know, but it's to purpose. When I started reading "How I Got Them," Strange True Stories' lengthy introduction, in which Cable relates to his reader how these stories--diary entries, letters, rough drafts of memoirs, etc.--came to be in his possession, I confess to thinking, Sure these are actual stories. His rendering, via large gaps in the text on the page, of the original documents' missing corners and his inclusion of lithographs of actual letters and diaries only heightened my skepticism. How very proto-postmodern, I thought. His tone in "How I Got Them" kept reminding me of Hawthorne's tone in "The Custom-House," his preface to The Scarlet Letter, to the point that I felt sorry that ol' Nate hadn't thought to work up a lithograph of Hester's "A" to include. More reading, though, assures me that actual people did indeed send these to Cable or, just as he describes, he and his agent would hear of these pieces and track them down through surviving relatives of their authors.

But I'm not telling you about this book because of its stories' origins in actual events in New Orleans and southern Louisiana for the hundred or so years from its early days as a French colony to the Civil War. Rather, what is of interest is how Cable has given these stories a sense of unity that causes this collection to be more than a simple assemblage of vignettes. In fact, it reminded me a little of Faulkner's Go Down, Moses: each has stand-alone sections linked, mostly, by recurring characters (some recur in the sense that they're referred to indirectly); and the sections don't appear in chronological order. (Cable's book is more strictly chronological, but "Alix de Morainville" is the story of the titular character's past in France during the Reign of Terror, a past she alludes to in the preceding story, "The Adventures of François and Suzanne"; meanwhile, the last narrative, "War Diary of a Union Woman in the South," follows after a couple of stories set during Reconstruction.) More subtly, though, whereas with Faulkner's novel it is the House of McCaslin that is haunted by slavery's legacy, the (almost literal) and thematic center of Strange True Stories is a literal house--the one in the image at the beginning of this post--which is haunted by slavery and segregation, certainly thematically and, perhaps, literally as well (note my source for the image).

"The 'Haunted House' in Royal Street" is actually two stories. The first concerns Madame Delphine LaLaurie, quite the socialite in her day, and the city's outrage when it was revealed that her rumored brutal treatment of her slaves was indeed true; the second is about the house's second life during Reconstruction as an unsegregated school for girls that, with the change in government, is forced to send away its black students . . . if only there were a way to determine who is indeed black that isn't more than a little socially and politically awkward. By themselves, they really wouldn't amount to much. But Cable, I think it's safe to say, sees in these stories something more, as the following passage from early in the story suggests, in which Cable describes the view from the second-story belvedere over the street:

I was much above any neighboring roof. Far to the south and south-west the newer New Orleans spread away over the flat land. North-eastward, but near at hand, were the masts of ships and steamers, with glimpses here and there of the water, and farther away the open breadth of the great yellow river sweeping around Slaughterhouse Point under an air heavy with the falling black smoke and white steam of hurrying tugs. Closer by, there was a strange confusion of roofs, trees, walls, vines, tiled roofs, brown and pink, and stuccoed walls, pink, white, yellow, red, and every sort of gray. The old convent of the Ursulines stood in the midst, and against it the old chapel of St. Mary with a great sycamore on one side and a willow on the other. Almost under me I noticed some of the semicircular arches of rotten red brick that were once a part of the Spanish barracks. In the north the "Old Third" (third city district) lay, as though I looked down upon it from a cliff--a tempestuous gray sea of slate roofs dotted with tossing green tree-tops. Beyond it, not far away, the deep green, ragged line of cypress swamp half encircled it and gleamed weirdly under a sky packed with dark clouds that flashed and growled and boomed and growled again. You could see rain falling from one cloud over Lake Pontchartrain; the strong gale brought the sweet smell of it. Westward, yonder, you may still descry the old calaboose just peeping over the tops of some lofty trees; and that bunch a little at the left is Congo Square; but the old, old calaboose--the one to which this house was once strangely related--is hiding behind the cathedral here on the south. The street that crosses Royal here and makes the corner on which the house stands is Hospital street; and yonder, westward, where it bends a little to the right and runs away so bright, clean, and empty between two long lines of groves and flower gardens, it is the old Bayou Road to the lake. It was down that road that the mistress of this house fled in her carriage from its door with the howling mob at her heels. Before you descend from the belvedere turn and note how the roof drops away in eight different slopes; and think--from whichever one of these slopes it was--of the little fluttering, befrocked lump of terrified childhood that leaped from there and fell clean to the paved yard below.


As you can see, Cable isn't engaged here in straight objective description as he provides some foreshadowing of events in the first act of the story. But I'd also argue that there's something even more literary at work here. The house is at once a vantage point from which to survey the "strange confusion" of New Orleans and, as we'll see via the two acts, something like the apotheosis (or perhaps a vortex?) of that confusion. But this house, as a space whose stories seem to be about more than the particulars of the physical space within which those stories occur, also appears to be not just the center for Strange True Stories but also a gathering of images and narratives for Cable as a writer. I don't yet know enough to say more, but I do know that Cable borrows the name Delphine for a character in his story collection, Old Creole Days, and another story in that same collection appears to be an expansion on an incident briefly alluded to in "Haunted-House"'s second act.

The other stories in Strange True Stories vary in their quality; with one exception, I won't be writing about them for the book project. As glimpses into the lives of women (the central characters in all these stories are women) of the better-off classes, though, they make for engaging reading; and "War Diary of a Union Woman in the South," disappoints because I wish it were longer: it begins with the woman and her husband feeling compelled to leave New Orleans and ending up in a place where they thought they would be safe from the war: Vicksburg; her descriptions of life in that city during Grant's siege are gripping. But they don't become that something more that lets them signify something larger and more complex. "Haunted-House," though, becomes more than a true story, to the point that it just may haunt you, too.

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Saturday, December 29, 2007

Going to Hell: Some speculation regarding Huck Finn and slave-holding culture

Edwin Hergesheimer’s map of Southern slavery, September 1861, found here. Visit the link to see and explore an enlargeable image. Found via Matthew Yglesias.

(EDIT: Now, I hope, a bit more precise in wording.)

Whenever I teach or otherwise talk about Huckleberry Finn, I am quick to note the centrality of the Mississippi River to that novel--not just as its setting but how the basic fact of its flowing southward determines, and even forces, the novel's climax: his decision to help Jim escape from slavery. Huck, to be sure, never talks about the river in these terms; yet, given that it is literally true that the river has brought him to the place where he makes that decision, it's no great stretch to say that it has brought him there figuratively as well.

It wasn't until I saw this map for the first time yesterday, though, that it occurred to me that perhaps, just perhaps, something else just as unremarked upon in the novel but just as present gives shape and direction to Huck's thinking. Huck is not innocent of slave-holding culture; on the contrary, the world he lives in is so shaped by that culture that, for much of the novel, he literally cannot even imagine, much less accept, some truth other than that culture's central a priori assumption of the sub-human nature of black people. But the population of the county Huck hails from, Rawls County, Missouri (the location of Hannibal, and three counties north of where the Missouri flows into the Mississippi), was about 30% slaves according to the map I linked to (caveat for this and for what follows: Huckleberry Finn is set in the 1840s, so what I hope to suggest here is more like an indication of scale rather than actual facts). Considering that most of those slaves would have been on farms outside Huck's St. Petersburg and Huck himself lived in town, Huck would not have had occasion to see on a daily basis the full manifestation of slave-holding culture. Relatively speaking, he would know of that culture more than he would know it.

Now, compare Rawls County to those counties of northeastern Louisiana on the Mississippi, one of which is where the Phelps place is located and where Huck and Jim's southward journey ends: none of those counties has a percentage of slaves relative to total population of less than 68%, and one of them appears (it's hard for me to tell) to have a population consisting of at least 90% slaves. Again, if what's being considered here is the relative scale of slave-holding rather than strict accuracy regarding verifiable, actual numbers during the time of the novel, I think it's safe to say that in Louisiana Huck is confronted with the fullest expression of slave-holding culture he's ever seen. The Phelps place is no Tara, but it is a working plantation. In a "no-camels-mentioned-in-the-Koran" kind of way, that never gets expressed directly in the novel; but it's hard to resist thinking, as with the Mississippi's southward flow--a fact so simple that it doesn't even merit direct mention--that this fact can't help but give shape and form to Huck's admittedly evanescent thinking regarding Jim's humanity and what his response to that should be.

Chapter 31 of Huckleberry Finn is, as readers know, the climax of the novel. Its thematic significance is clear enough and needs no pointing out here. However, this chapter--in particular, the passage below--takes on a new resonance for me in light of the map. Setting, after all, is more than just geography; "the world of the novel" refers to cultural, as well as the usual kind, of topography. In the world Huck finds himself in as he describes his dilemma, the drama of his choice is all the more heightened: he knows what he "should" do in a world that demands it of all its members, in the courts and from the pulpit: "'There was the Sunday-school, you could a gone to it; and if you'd a done it they'd a learnt you there that people that acts as I'd been acting about that nigger goes to everlasting fire.'" It's as though, there in northeastern Louisiana, the phrase "sold down the river," the literal fear of slaves from upriver, is for Huck, now, inextricably combined with a glimpse of an eternity of agony for such as himself.

And yet.

The most metaphysical Huck ever gets is when he says, in this same chapter, "You can't pray a lie." So it's entirely appropriate that in a world that considers the word "abolitionist" about the worst thing you could call someone, Huck avoids philosophical abstraction entirely: he confronts the hellish fact of slavery with the fact of Jim's decency toward him as they float downstream into that hell:

. . . I knowed I could pray now. But I didn't do it straight off, but laid the [letter he's just written to Aunt Polly] down and set there thinking -- thinking how good it was all this happened so, and how near I come to being lost and going to hell. And went on thinking. And got to thinking over our trip down the river; and I see Jim before me all the time: in the day and in the night-time, sometimes moonlight, sometimes storms, and we a-floating along, talking and singing and laughing. But somehow I couldn't seem to strike no places to harden me against him, but only the other kind. I'd see him standing my watch on top of his'n, 'stead of calling me, so I could go on sleeping; and see him how glad he was when I come back out of the fog; and when I come to him again in the swamp, up there where the feud was; and such-like times; and would always call me honey, and pet me and do everything he could think of for me, and how good he always was; and at last I struck the time I saved him by telling the men we had small-pox aboard, and he was so grateful, and said I was the best friend old Jim ever had in the world, and the ONLY one he's got now; and then I happened to look around and see that paper.

It was a close place. I took it up, and held it in my hand. I was a-trembling, because I'd got to decide, forever, betwixt two things, and I knowed it. I studied a minute, sort of holding my breath, and then says to myself:

"All right, then, I'll GO to hell" -- and tore it up.
The point of all this? Just that, in our relatively more-enlightened but racially-hypersensitive times, it's become harder to "read" this great novel, to see the great moment on the raft as hugely significant and not as a "well, duh!" moment. It is a realist novel par excellance, and that is its great strength and its great weakness. Huck Finn--character and novel--are rooted firmly in a time and place so utterly different from our own (thankfully so, in many ways) that, unfortunately, some end up assuming the wrong things about those differences, reading them as they do through today's lenses, and therefore presume the worst about the novel . . . with the result that we forget there is much this novel still has to tell us about ourselves as Americans--and not only about the past, either. The trees of anachronism cause some of us to lose its forest of truths.

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Sunday, May 20, 2007

The Known World: A review

This, the 2004 winner of the Pulitzer and a finalist for the National Book Award, is a magnificent novel by any standard. As a first novel, it's truly astonishing, especially given its subject matter and the way it approaches that subject matter. For various reasons, it took me a long time to finish The Known World. In retrospect, though, I'm glad it did. This is a novel meant not so much to be read as to be lingered over, pondered.

Based on the lives of actual people in antebellum Manchester County, Virginia, the novel begins with the death of Henry Townsend, a respected slaveholder, and is overtly concerned with subsequent events on his plantation in the days and weeks after he dies. What makes this of more than passing interest is that Townsend is a free black whose own parents, we learn later on, had worked to buy him from his owner after they themselves had worked to earn their freedom. How does such a thing happen? Henry is as puzzled by his parents' reaction when they learn that he owns slaves as his parents are baffled by what they've learned about their son. And we, in turn, are baffled that Henry is puzzled. A free black, own slaves? This should not be . . . yet it is so.

You might expect a novel on such a topic to be rather wild-eyed or at least reach for the occasional scene of Faulknerian or Morrisonian high drama, but you would be disappointed. Horrific, brutal, dehumanizing things happen in this novel to be sure, but The Known World is the calmest novel about race and slavery that I have ever read. Having read more than my share of such novels for my dissertation, I know something whereof I speak. That in and of itself isn't a point in its favor, yet its quiet, controlled tone, working as it does against our expectations, doesn't weary the reader but, instead, keeps the reader reading in expectation of the usual fireworks.

So, rather than engage in appropriate but expected outrage, The Known World takes a different tack, somewhat as Uncle Tom's Cabin does: each novel shows how distorted, how perverted human behavior turns in a slave-holding culture. Stowe's novel shows how slave-holding infects and corrupts the behavior of even the most benign of slaveholders; Jones' novel shows how, in a world where slaveholders have power and status, it becomes perfectly acceptable, if not the norm, for free blacks to participate in that world. In the imaginative economy of this world, Henry Townsend's owning slaves is as much an acceptable--and achievable--possibility as his parents' working to free themselves and him is. Perversely, in fact, it is via owning slaves that Henry has gained the (grudging, at times puzzled) respect of the white community, constructed as it is around the single principle of protecting "property" and the interests of those who own it. The commodification of human beings is the a priori assumption giving shape to Henry's parents' decisions as well as to Henry's.

Perhaps even more impressively, the novel's narrative style, though its main thread has a forward motion to it, frequently though briefly flashes backward and forward in time. The flash-forwards, in fact, are somewhat reminiscent of the visual style of the 1999 film Run Lola, Run. Some of those flash-forwards, in fact, serve to link our world with that one, chiefly via references to various historians' examining census records from Manchester County: about the most dispassionate sort of text I can conceive of. Yet they link us to this unimaginable-yet-true world.

I want to quote and comment on a few passages now to give you a sense of this writer's quiet, controlled style and subtle, complex vision.

The first passage, coming not quite at the novel's middle, reveals the origins of the phrase "The Known World." Skiffington, the sheriff for the county, is in reluctant conversation with a slave-trader named Broussard, presently being held on suspicion of the murder of his partner:

[Broussard] pointed to the left wall where Skiffington had hung a map, a browned and yellowed woodcut of some eight feet by six feet. The map had been created by a German, Hans Waldseemuller, who lived in France three centuries before, according to a legend in the bottom right-hand corner. "I live where they make that beautiful map. I know who make them, Monsieur Sheriff, and I can get you better, bigger map. I can do it to show how I appreciate."

"That one will do fine," Skiffington said. A Russian who claimed to be a descendant of Waldseemuller had passed through the town and Skiffington had bought the map from him. He wanted it as a present for [his wife] Winifred but she thought it too hideous to be in her house. Heading the legend were the words "The Known World." Skiffington suspected the Russian, a man with a white beard down to his stomach, was a Jew but he could not tell a Jew from any other white man.

"I get you better," Broussard said. I get you better map, and more map of today. Map of today, how the world out together today, not yesterday, not long ago." The Russian had told Skiffington that it was the first time the word America had ever been put on a map. The land of North America on the map was smaller than it was in actuality, and where Florida should have been, there was nothing. South America seemed the right size, but it alone of the two continents was called "America." North America went nameless.

"I'm happy with what I got," Skiffington said. The map had come from the Russian in twelve parts, each weighing about three pounds, and Skiffington had had a hard time putting it together. He did it while Winifred and Minerva [their black servant] were away at Clara's, and when Winifred returned and told him she did not want it in her house, he had to dismantle it and reassemble it again in the jail.

"You see, Monsieur Sheriff," Broussard said. "I get you better. I get you more better map." (174-175)

The strong suggestion here is that Skiffington wants to keep the map more because of the trouble he had gone through, not just in assembling it, twice, but with Winifred as well, than because he actually likes it. The map, three centuries old, its depictions of landforms hopelessly inaccurate, becomes a metonymy of the novel's world, itself to be replaced in the not-too distant future.

The second passage may be the grandest moment in the entire novel, not just for what it expresses but, given the times and culture, the way in which the speaker has no choice but to say it. Like reading an especially-challenging Dickinson poem, its difficult expression is part of the point of that being expressed.

A man named Barnum, a patroller (civilians deputized to ride the roads at night, looking for slaves), has just confessed to Skiffington that Augustus Townsend, Henry's father and a free man, had been kidnapped and taken south to be sold. Barnum is distraught that he had not been brave enough to have confessed this before, for the reason he will try to make clear to Skiffington:

"Now I don't want you to take me tellin you all this as my becomin a nigger kisser or somethin like that. It ain't that. You know me, John. But they sold that Augustus and they sold his mule." It was twilight and the stars were quite evident in the sky. The moon, still low, was behind Skiffington and only Barnum could see it.

"I know you, Barnum."

"But he was a free and clear man, and the law said so. Augustus never hurt me, never said bad to me. What Harvey done was wrong. But tellin you don't put me on the nigger side. I'm still on the white man side, John. I'm still standin with the white. God help me if you believe somethin else about me." He shifted in the saddle once more. The moon was just above the horizon now, a large, dusty orange point, but barnum did not raise his head high enough to see it. "It's just that there should be a way for a body to say what is without somebody sayin he standin on the nigger side. A body should be able to stand under some . . . some kinda light and declare what he knows without retribution. There should be some kinda lantern, john, that we can stand under and say, 'I know what I know and what i know is God's truth,' and then come from under the light and nobody make any big commotion bout what he said. He could say it and just get on about his business, and nobody would say, 'He be stickin up for the nigger, he be stickin up for them indians.' The lantern of truth wouldn't low then to say that. There should be that kinda light, John. I regret what happened to Augustus."

"Yes, Barnum, I know." The merchant came out of the store and tipped his hat to Skiffington and Skiffington nodded and the merchant went home.

"A man could stand under that light and talk the truth. You could hold the lantern with the light right from where you standin, John. Hold it so I could stand under it. And when nobody was talkin, was tellin the truth bout what they know, you could keep the lantern in the jail, John. Keep it safe in the jail, John." Barnum closed his eyes, took off his hat, opened his eyes and studied the brim. "But don't keep the lantern too near the bars, John, cause you don't want the criminals touchin it and what not. You should write the president, you should write the delegate, and have em pass a law to have that lantern in every jail in the United States of America. I would back that law. God knows I would. I really would, John."

"I would, too, Barnum," Skiffington said. (303-304)

It's difficult to convey not just how powerful this scene is but how skillful it is. Barnum, like Huckleberry Finn, is a basically decent person whose thought is shaped by the world he lives in, a world in which race trumps all. He cannot imagine a color-blind world, hence his palpable anxiety that Skiffington understand him and continue to see him not as a man but as a white man. Huck's fear is similar, though he chooses to embrace his world's rejection: "All right, then--I'll go to hell!" What Twain had to remember for Huck and what Jones has to remember for Barnum is not to turn their respective characters into Freedom Riders. Twain succeeded so well that Huckleberry Finn continues to run afoul of people more content to count N-words than actually read it. Jones succeeds equally, I would say, as he turns Barnum's fear and anguish into something very close to poetry.

Read this novel. Jones is a master writer writing novels and stories about race with a subtlety that I haven't seen since Beloved. Especially in these times, we need writers of this ability and complexity who don't browbeat or proselytize but who make their readers think and want to tell others about what they have to say. Jones is indeed that kind of writer, and The Known World is that kind of novel.

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